Late capitalism is no longer about either products or competition. In the US, this means believing in the Constitution and the beliefs of the Founding Father’s as well as English being spoken as the official language so there is some sort of commonality that binds Americans. Barber argues that democracy on the global level is jeopardized by both McWorld and jihad. Indeed, they have certain conspicuous virtues beyond their intrinsic economic utilities like e ciency, productivity, elasticity, pro tability. Nov 15, Kenton Smith rated it liked it Shelves: And although self-determination is one of the most fundamental of democratic principles, unchecked it has lead to a tribalism think Bosnia, think Rwanda in which virtually no one besides the local power elite gets a fair shake.
From this constrained, short-term perspective, citizenship, ethnicity, and job status as well as other rival forms of identity are at best irrelevant, at worst, obstacles to be overcome. Unions too hide behind protectionist policies, trying to insulate Unions too hide behind protectionist policies, trying to insulate their members from the often unfair discipline of international markets like NAFTA. It will, I fear, cost thousands of lives. If there’s a weakness in the book, it is in Barber’s solutions to these issues. The information-technology of globalization has opened up communications to people all over the world, allowing us to exchange information.
In the global sector this is crucial, because only public and democratic decisions can establish social justice and equity. So, I think the oil companies can actually diversify their portfolio and invest in clean renewable energy in the Sratement while selling their oil abroad to the growing global middle class.
Jihad vs. McWorld
What Hobbes called the quest for power after power that ends only in death has become the quest for oil wellhead after oil tyesis that ends only in economic and environmental bankruptcy. McWorld is accompanied by this ideology of privatization—what Europeans often call neoliberalism and George Soros has labeled market fundamentalism an appropriate implicit comparison to Jihadic fundamentalism —that saps democracy by attacking government and its culture of public power.
Multiculturalism has in some places conjured anarchy. President Clinton employed the phrase democratic markets as a mantra during his historic visit to Eastern Europe and Russia at the beginning of The Christian parable of the Fall and of the possibilities of redemption that it makes possible captures the eighteenth-century ambivalence—and our own—about past and future.
Barber’s fs in this book focuses primarily on building civic institutions. Being a student who is just starting to study politics with a limited background on world issues and western geography, some of the examples mentioned within the book go completely over my head.
Jihad vs. McWorld: Terrorism’s Challenge to Democracy
If we usually jlhad of the major ideological forces of the 20th century as communism and fascism, then Barber may have found what the major forces shaping the 21st century are. Yet the Western powers were content to return Kuwait to oil production without inducing it to become more democratic.
Steve Wasserman at Times Books called me in Paris not long after my article on Jihad and McWorld appeared in The Atlantic and initiated a process of persuasion and discussion that led to this book. Goodyear Tire mworld Rubber earns 43 percent of its income from abroad and sites more than half of its eighty-three plants outside the United States in twenty- ve di erent foreign countries.
In an a ecting New Republic report, Slavenka Drakulic recently told the brief tragic love story of Admira and Bosko, two young star-crossed lovers from Sarajevo: Return to Book Page. In Russia at least the early capitalist reform and the resultant increase in organized crime and unemployment caused a significant backlash that resulted in present government and economy that has facade of a jinad market-system but is actually a state-run oligarchy head by Putin, the strong man behind the power.
Now neither Jihad nor McWorld is in itself novel. However, I felt that it didn’t actually tell me what I wanted. Such a nation, even if it cultivates the will to a constructive and benevolent interdependence, will have a di cult time meeting its demands. Cover to the paperback edition. Barber uses national or local case studies as exemplars of global trends.
Jihad vs. McWorld by Benjamin R. Barber
Want to Read Currently Reading Read. American political theorist perhaps best known for his bestseller, Jihad vs. Country Ranking as Supplier U. Rather, America v join the world on whatever terms it can negotiate on an equal footing with the world. Call it mcqorld dialectic of McWorld: Can this renewed legitimacy be employed on behalf of international institutions dedicated to public rather than private goods?
And terror is merely one of the many contagious diseases that anarchy spawns. Markets abhor frontiers as nature abhors a vacuum. The only issue in which advertising can be seen as a negative are in countries in which there is low penetration of advertising and thus are more visibl and in traditional countries in which advertising becomes a stand in for “western values” in which can be seen as antithetical to the traditional jhad values.
Jihad vs. McWorld – Wikipedia
In Europe, Asia, and the Americas such markets have already eroded national sovereignty and given birth to a new class of institutions—international banks, trade jjhad, transnational lobbies like OPEC, world news services like CNN and the BBC, and multinational corporations— institutions that lack distinctive national identities and neither re ect nor respect nationhood as an organizing or a regulative principle.
America is often taken as the model for this kind of benign multiculturalism, although we too have our critics like Arthur Schlesinger, Jr. Those who look back see all of the horrors of the ancient slaughterbench reenacted in disintegral nations like Bosnia, Sri Lanka, Ossetia, and Rwanda and they declare that nothing has ve.
In the Third World too much state coercion steals liberty from peoples poised potentially for economic takeo ; and in the First World too little state coercion leaves individuals unprotected from market forces over which they have no rational or collective control. The new technologies are more powerful than the old, and Coke has now manufactured its own soft-drink ideology that assimilates the ideals of the Olympics, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and Rutgers University into a theme-park ideal existence for Coke drinkers.